Showing posts with label Stephen Pollard. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Stephen Pollard. Show all posts

Monday, 16 December 2019

Boris must now deliver to the neglected north, says STEPHEN POLLARD

16 Dec 2019
There could be no clearer demonstration of the upending of everything we take for granted about British politics than Boris Johnson beginning his victory lap in Sedgefield on Saturday. Sedgefield! The former mining town was not just an iconic Labour stronghold – it was Tony Blair’s own constituency.
Boris
Boris took the applauds at Sedgefield, Blair's former constituency that has gone blue (Image: Press Association)
Now it symbolises the electoral revolution that took place on Thursday. Boris’s triumph – and it is his very personal triumph – means we must cast aside long-held assumptions about politics. The Conservative Party is the most successful election-winning machine in the Western world. Time after time it is written off. 
When Blair was winning his three landslides, the received wisdom was that the Conservatives were finished. 
And it was just a few months ago under Theresa May when people were suggesting the party would split permanently over Brexit and destroy itself. 
Within months of taking office, Boris Johnson appears to have transformed the electoral map. 
He stands up there with Disraeli, Campbell-Bannerman, Attlee, Thatcher and Blair in his electoral achievement. 
Labour has spent over more than 10 years attacking two of the last three Conservative leaders as out-of-touch Old Etonians. 
Boris’s landslide shows that it is Labour that has been out of touch, under Gordon Brown, Ed Miliband and now Jeremy Corbyn. 
The vast majority of us couldn’t care less where someone went to school. 
We didn’t care that Tony Blair went to Fettes College, the Scottish equivalent of Eton. 
We care about what people say, what they do – and what they want to do. 
All that matters now is what the Tories do in government. 
And with an 80-seat majority, there is no alibi for failure. 
The omens are good. 
Everything Boris Johnson has said since the election shows that he understands that people who have voted Labour for generations have only lent the Tories their vote – and that his job now is to prove that they were right to trust him. 
The shadow of Lady Thatcher has loomed large over the Conservative Party ever since she was ousted in November 1990. 
As one of our greatest ever prime ministers, that was understandable. 
And her work laid the foundations for the success that even Labour accepted under Blair.
But we are no longer in the same place that we were in 1979 or even 1997. 
The country needs different medicine now. 
Boris Johnson is, though, the first Conservative leader since then fully to escape her shadow, with a manifesto shaped to the needs of this century rather than still with a nod to the last. 
Because in truth the North has never really been given the same attention as the South.
Between 2008 and 2018, public spending on transport, for example, was £739 per head in London but only £305 in the North.
Boris Johnson’s promise to voters in those places was that his type of “one Nation” conservatism would focus on this.
It’s an appropriate phrase, having been coined by Disraeli – the Conservative leader who first created a party that attracted working-class voters in the mid-19th century.
Johnson intends to spend some £100billion on infrastructure projects in the North.
That includes £22billion already committed to projects such as flood defences and filling potholes.
But it still leaves £78billion to invest in key areas such as transport, including buses and bridges, which have fallen woefully behind in the North. 
Lady Thatcher
Lady Thatcher was the last Tory leader to speak to the working class (Image: Getty)
One example could be the £39billion plan already proposed for Northern Powerhouse Rail (NPR), a train network linking Manchester and its airport, Leeds, Sheffield, Hull, Newcastle and Liverpool. 
To be fair, it was George Osborne as Chancellor who set up the so-called Northern Powerhouse. 
But Boris may turbocharge this. 
It has always been said that Boris Johnson is a Marmite figure. 
I’ve written before that I worried he was not the right man to defeat the hard Left and deliver prosperity. 
I am relieved to say that I was clearly wrong on the first part of that. 
Boris is able to connect with voters in a way that no politician has managed since Blair in his pomp. 
Now comes the really hard part – delivering the goods. 
He could not have got off to a better start. 
He has the right ideas, expresses the right humility and offers the right degree of optimism.
Let’s all hope it works. 

Friday, 2 February 2018

Ending free movement is a pivotal part of Brexit, says STEPHEN POLLARD

REMEMBER the phrase Take Back Control? It was at the heart of the referendum debate and at the core of the Leave victory. It encompassed many issues but one of the most fundamental was taking back control over migration.

One of the key purposes of Brexit was to make sure that we are once again able to decide how many and which people we allow into the country. 
As an EU member we have been obliged to allow free movement from the other 27 member states – in other words, anyone from any EU member state who wants to come here to work is allowed to do so.
In the year after the EU referendum in June 2016, it has been calculated that 230,000 citizens from other EU countries took advantage of that and moved to the UK. 
Free movement is one of the so-called pillars of the EU and any move to change it will always be rejected. 
David Cameron made a paltry attempt when he began his ill-fated renegotiation of our membership but quickly got nowhere. 
That’s why the only way to stop free movement is to leave the EU – which is what we are about to do.  



As part of that Brexit process there is to be a transition period, almost certainly lasting two years. EU citizens will still be able to live and work here during the transition period. 
But it’s expected that there would be two crucial differences from free movement: they would have to register with the Home Office and would no longer automatically qualify to live in the UK permanently. 
One of the issues decided in December, when we reached agreement with the other 27 EU members over the so-called phase one of Brexit negotiations, was how this transition period would affect the idea of free movement. 
The deal was clear. 
Free movement – specifically the right of any EU citizen to move to the UK and stay here to work – would end on the day after our withdrawal in March 2019.  
Theresa May and airport's border controlGETTY
One of Brexit's purposes was to make sure we are able to decide how many people can enter the UK
Don’t take my word for it. 
To quote Paragraph 8 of the agreement: “The specified date [for the end of free movement] should be the time of the UK’s withdrawal.” 
That’s clear and unambiguous. 
Free movement ends at the end of next March. 
But – oh, what a surprise! 
No sooner had we signed the deal in December than a series of EU leaders – including that most irritating usual suspect, federalist MEP Guy Verhofstadt – started to complain that it meant that EU workers who arrived in the transition period after March 2019 would lose any right to reside here. 
You might well be thinking, “Well, yes, that’s the entire point”. 
One of the central purposes of our withdrawal from the EU is to remove the right of the rest of the EU to come here simply because they want to. 
It was only a few weeks ago, on December 8, that the EU signed up to a deal with the UK agreeing to precisely that withdrawal of the rights of residency that come with free movement. 
Yet now some of them want to unravel the deal, saying that the rules of free movement should continue during the transition period. 
With negotiations beginning over the details of the transition, the likes of Mr Verhofstadt are insisting: “Citizens’ rights during the transition are not negotiable. 
We will not accept that there are two sets of rights for EU citizens.”  
And yesterday EU officials were reported as saying that the demand that the cut-off date for residency rights be moved back to the end of the transition period was “non-negotiable” and it was “inconceivable” that the UK could avoid free movement during the transition. 
This is simply barking. 
And it shows how, even now, they still don’t get what Brexit really means. 
It is, of course, entirely right that the 3.2 million EU citizens who have moved here so far are offered a guarantee by the British Government that they can stay. 
They moved here legally and have done nothing wrong.
But now that we are leaving the EU, everyone knows we are leaving, and the context has changed completely.  
Border control at a British airportGETTY
The 3.2 million EU citizens who have moved here so far are offered a guarantee that they can stay
There is nothing, legally, that we can do about those EU citizens who move here until we leave. 
But there is every legal – and moral – reason to say that if you come here during the transition, then you are on notice that you no longer have the right to stay here. 
Not least because the other 27 EU leaders have already signed an agreement saying just that! 
And Theresa May has given short shrift to these ludicrous demands. 
As she put it this week, speaking to reporters on her trip to China: existing immigrants deserve protection because they have “made a life choice” based on the UK’s EU membership. 
But “for those who come after March 2019, that will be different because they will be coming to a UK they know will be outside the EU”.  
Neon sign reading 'the EU referendum'GETTY
Brexit really must mean Brexit
Migration Watch, the think tank that has consistently reported immigration levels more accurately than the Government’s initial figures, said that extending free movement into the transition period could mean up to a million extra EU migrants being given the right to live in Britain. 


So much for taking back control. 
Mrs May has rightly made clear that she is not going to budge on this. 
Ending free movement is a pivotal part of Brexit. 
And if democracy and the votes of 17,410,742 British citizens are to mean anything, then Brexit really must mean Brexit. 

https://www.express.co.uk/comment/expresscomment/913531/brexit-free-movement-end-theresa-may-eu-talks-Guy-Verhofstadt-uk-border-control

Wednesday, 2 August 2017

Beware efforts to ‘get round’ the EU referendum result, says STEPHEN POLLARD

THERE are few more insightful columnists than William Hague. No wonder: having been leader of the opposition and foreign secretary he has been there, done that and can offer wisdom from experience. He has always been clear, even as a Remainer, that the Brexit referendum result has to be respected. Which is why his words yesterday are especially interesting.



Discussing the immediate aftermath of the vote last year he wrote: “Everywhere I went abroad, business leaders and politicians asked me how we would get round the result and whether we would lose heart about leaving when it got difficult.” 
This is revealing because it shows the mindset of an EU elite which cannot accept the idea that anyone might leave the EU. Worse, as we have seen repeatedly since the Maastricht Treaty turned the European Economic Community into the European Union, they simply assume that no member state’s governing class will allow it to happen. 
However it could also be viewed as a case of Lord Hague stating the obvious because history offers so many examples of the EU getting round the results of democratic votes. If voters reject Brussels then voters are wrong.
William HagueGETTY
Lord Hague revealed foreign leaders’ views
That view was expressed unambiguously by the then president of the European Commission, Jose Manuel Barroso, who said in 2005: “They must go on voting until they get it right.” 
Lo and behold that is exactly what happened in other referendums. In 1992 the Danes said no to the Maastricht Treaty. Their vote was ignored and the treaty went ahead. In 2001 the Irish voted against the Nice Treaty. That was cast aside. In 2008 the Irish voted against the Lisbon Treaty. Again it was cast aside. 
This contempt for democracy is so deeply ingrained in the EU’s DNA and the mindset of its champions that they cannot even see it. They regard themselves and their project as morally superior to those who question them, so by definition their opponents are not merely wrong but dangerous and it is their moral duty to overcome them. It’s one thing expecting this from the EU’s supporters abroad. It’s another seeing it here after a referendum in which more people voted to leave the EU than have ever voted for any government. 
HammondGETTY
Philip Hammond has been attacked for joining in the squabbling over Brexit
There are many honourable Remainers who have accepted the result and knuckled down to making Brexit a success. But there are also many who from day one have made it their mission to undermine the result and do whatever they can to prevent Brexit. 
Some of them are even in the Cabinet. Take the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Philip ­Hammond has been attacked for joining in the squabbling that has broken out in recent weeks over possible strategies for Brexit. 
Rightly so. Such rows are more suitable to the school playground than the Cabinet. 
But it’s not just the fact of the squabbling that is damaging, it’s the substance from the Remainers masquerading as ministers committed to Brexit. In reality the likes of Philip Hammond have been doing their level best to frustrate it. 
This is a cross-party effort. Across both main parties, Remainers talk of continued membership of the single market, the need to stay in the customs union and having lengthy transition arrangements beyond 2019. All are barely disguised attempts to minimise – and if possible prevent – Brexit. Central to this is the idea now being pushed by Remainers that we will need to keep our borders open for years after nominal Brexit in 2019. 
Last week, for example, it was reported that Mr Hammond was working on a plan to keep free movement for EU citizens for two years after Brexit. 
You can bet your bottom euro on the supposed two year transition period being the starting point rather than the conclusion if they get their way. Because the real agenda is to get round Brexit for as long as possible and in as many ways as possible. Their hope is that the longer we carry on as we are now the greater the possibility that Brexit can be stopped. 
Take the idea that the European Court of Justice (ECJ) should continue to have power over British courts and Parliament. This has been suggested in relation to the rights of EU citizens living here. 
We voted to leave the EU so that we can once again become a self-governing nation. That means, among other things, British judges deciding British law. Removing ourselves from the power of the ECJ is central. Nothing better illustrates how Remainers seek to undermine Brexit than the idea of the ECJ still having jurisdiction here. 
All of this emanates from the belief that Brexit cannot be allowed to happen and that bit by bit it can be undermined. And it is played out in spirit, if not actually in coordination, with the Remainers’ EU counterparts. 
Take the huge queues at airports that have recently started to become a regular travel hazard for holders of non-Schengen passports. 
This isn’t a deliberate attempt to warn us of what lies in store when we leave (even as EU members we are still not members of Schengen and so are also caught in the queues) but the woefully understaffed passport controls and hours of waiting certainly play into the threats of post-Brexit travel chaos. 
This is only just the beginning. The Remainers will not let up – ever. So prepare for worse.

http://www.express.co.uk/comment/expresscomment/835826/brexit-news-latest-eu-referendum-result-theresa-may