Wednesday, 18 December 2019

'Ditch Corbyn's agenda or we're finished': Tony Blair

'Ditch Corbyn's agenda or we're finished': Tony Blair slams modern Labour as a hard-Left 'comedy cult' and warns the party could DIE as he FINALLY admits that Brexit will happen telling Remainers: 'We've lost'

  • Tony Blair tore into Jeremy Corbyn over last week's rout by the Tories, the worst election showing since 1935 
  • The former PM warned that Labour faces an existential crisis if the party does not root out the hard-Left 
  • Mr Blair branded Mr Corbyn's Brexit stance 'comical' and published a damning report on the party's failure
  • He finally admitted that Brexit will happen, telling fellow Remainers in a stark message: 'We have lost' 

Tony Blair today delivered a lacerating verdict on Jeremy Corbyn's 'comical' leadership and branded Labour a 'cult' - as he finally admitted defeat on Brexit.
The former PM, who won three elections, tore into his successor for turning the party into a 'glorified protest movement'.
He said the astonishing rout at the hands of the Tories last week - the worst performance since 1935 - was a source of 'shame', warning that Labour faces total destruction if it does not evict the hard-Left. 
In a stark message to Remainers, Mr Blair drew a line under years of trying to reverse Brexit. 'We have lost,' he said.   
The vicious attack came as Mr Corbyn and his extremist clique of advisers faced massive pressure to stand aside immediately in the wake of the battering from voters. 
There are mounting fears among moderates that the leader and his allies are clinging on to try to control the contest for his replacement - and confirm the icy grip of the Left on the UK's main opposition party.  
Mr Blair put Mr Corbyn on notice that his planned 'process of reflection' before standing down as leader in the new year will cause 'irreparable damage' if it buries the real reasons for the December 12 humiliation.
It came as Emily Thornberry and Keir Starmer dramatically entered the battle for Labour's top job today by condemning Jeremy Corbyn's disastrous election strategy. 
In a major speech, former prime minister Tony Blair tore into Jeremy Corbyn over the the election, in which Labour suffered its heaviest defeat since 1935
In a major speech, former prime minister Tony Blair tore into Jeremy Corbyn over the the election, in which Labour suffered its heaviest defeat since 1935
Moderates fear Mr Corbyn, pictured leaving his London home today, is clinging on to cement the grip of the hard-Left on Labour
Moderates fear Mr Corbyn, pictured leaving his London home today, is clinging on to cement the grip of the hard-Left on Labour 
Jeremy Corbyn being re-sworn in as an MP yesterday
Jeremy Corbyn being re-sworn in as an MP yesterday
Mr Blair, who is the only Labour leader to have won a general election in the last 45 years, gave a speech this morning as he published a damning report on the party's failure in the election.
It criticises the 'sectarian ultra-left politics' that have taken over the party, blaming Mr Corbyn for driving away traditional supporters and says: 'Labour needs not just a different driver, but a different bus.'

Millionaire lawyer Sir Keir Starmer claims he's not too posh to lead Labour 

Opposition Labour party shadow Brexit secretary Keir Starmer (pictured above) has said the party did not tackle the Brexit debate strongly enough
Opposition Labour party shadow Brexit secretary Keir Starmer (pictured above) has said the party did not tackle the Brexit debate strongly enough
Sir Keir Starmer attempted to highlight his humble roots today as he set out his stall to become Labour leader with a pitch to hardline Corbynistas.
The Oxford-educated lawyer, 57, who owns homes in London and Surrey worth more than £2million, revealed he is 'seriously considering' entering the leadership race that will take place in the new year.
Distrusted by hard left fans of Mr Corbyn, he pitched himself as a unity candidate, attacking 'factionalism'.
In an attempt to woo suspicious Corbynistas who blame the hardline Remainer for Labour's muddled message on Brexit, he said he did not want the party to 'over-steer' to the right.
And he tried to distance himself from the era of Tony Blair, telling the BBC this morning the party could not afford to go back to 'some bygone age'.
Asked whether a knighted lawyer can reach out to working class voters the party lost to the Tories in last week;s election, he told BBC Radio 4's Today: 'As for the sort of middle-class thrust, as you know, my dad worked in a factory, he was a toolmaker, and my mum was a nurse, and she contracted a very rare disease early in her life that meant she was constantly in need of NHS care.
'So, actually, my background isn't what people think it is.
'I know what it's like. I actually never had been in any workplace other than a factory until I left home for university. I'd never been in an office.
'So the idea that somehow I personally don't know what it's like for people across the country in all sorts of different circumstances is just not borne out.'
It comes as centrists and Corbynites alike fight over the soul of the party in the wake of last week's car crash election result. 
Yvette Cooper, who was a shadow minister under Gordon Brown, also revealed today she is considering a run at the top job. 
Shadow foreign secretary Emily Thornberry also confirmed she would be contesting the party leadership. 
Mr Blair told an audience in central London that the result 'marks a moment in history' and was 'no ordinary defeat for Labour' as the party undergoes a battle to replace Mr Corbyn and diagnose the causes of the disaster. 
'The takeover of the Labour Party by the far left turned it into a glorified protest movement with cult trimmings, utterly incapable of being a credible government,' he said. 
'The result has brought shame on us.'
Shadow foreign secretary Ms Thornberry today  complained that allowing the election to happen was an 'act of catastrophic political folly', claiming she had warned against it privately as she bid to lead Labour.
Meanwhile, millionaire shadow Brexit secretary Sir Keir highlighted his humble roots and denied he is middle class as he pitched to hardline Corbynistas.
And former Cabinet minister Yvette Cooper also suggested she will join the fray, vowing to reconnect the party with northern voters in the wake of the rout at the hands of the Tories. 
Mrs Thornberry became the first contender formally to declare today, penning an article for the Guardian in which she desperately dismissed the idea her arch-Remainer status would be a barrier to resurrecting Labour after its rout in working-class Leave heartlands. 
But she is already embroiled in damaging spat with ex-Labour MP Caroline Flint, who has accused her of branding Brexit voters 'stupid'.
In 2014 Mrs Thornberry triggered a 'snobbery' row by tweeting an apparently mocking picture of a white van and England flag outside a house in Rochester. 
The post-mortem on Labour's dismal defeat - its worst showing since 1935 - continued apace today, with Tony Blair warning the party faces 'oblivion' unless it breaks the stranglehold of the hard Left.
Former Cabinet minister John Denham also delivered a damning verdict on Labour activists, saying most looked down on patriotism and viewed English people as 'knuckle dragging Neo Nazis'.  
Labour MPs last night turned on Mr Corbyn over the humiliating election result last week and his reaction to it. 
They vented their fury at Jeremy Corbyn last night in a volcanic Commons meeting, placing blame for their election humiliation on him and his 'economically illiterate' manifesto.
Mary Creagh, the former Labour MP for Wakefield, also collared Mr Corbyn outside Parliament, blasting him for his election performance and telling him to stand down immediately, while adding that every day he stays as leader is damaging to the party.  
Last night was the first time Mr Corbyn had faced his 202 remaining MPs since their crushing defeat by Boris Johnson's Tories and they tore him to shreds in a fiery meeting. 
Leeds West MP Rachel Reeves told Mr Corbyn that he was to blame for the election humiliation, describing his manifesto as 'economically illiterate' and saying the party needed radical change and a leader that 'actually wants to win'.
Rebellious MPs also dismissed Mr Corbyn's claims that the defeat - the party's worst since 1935 - was down to Brexit and media hostility.
Mr Corbyn apologised to the fractious meeting, but failed to win them over, with veteran critic Dame Margaret Hodge describing the meeting as 'on the whole it was fury, despair, miserable'.
Mr Blair said today Corbyn's complicated and ambiguous stance on Brexit had angered both Remainers and Leavers.
'We pursued a path of almost comic indecision, alienated both sides of the debate leaving our voters without guidance or leadership,' he said.
'The absence of leadership on what was obviously the biggest question facing the country then reinforced all the other doubts about Jeremy Corbyn.'

'Labour activists believe English people are knuckle-dragging Neo-Nazis' says Ex-Cabinet minister John Denham 

Most Labour activists believe English people are 'knuckle dragging Neo Nazis', a former Cabinet minister has warned.
John Denham, who served in government under Gordon Brown, delivered a withering assessment of his party's failure to connect with normal working-class voters.
He said elements of the Left believed there was nothing to be 'proud' of about England's history, because the 'only thing' that mattered was 'slavery and imperialism'.
 Speaking on the BBC's Newsnight, Mr Denham - who was Communities Secretary under Mr Brown and Southampton Itchen MP until 2015 - said one of the biggest problems in the election was Labour's inability to connect with voters who feel English.
'There has always been a strand on the Left that disparages national identity and disparages patriotism,' he said.
'Labour doesn't mention England. Most Labour activists think that all English people are knuckle dragging Neo-Nazis.
'There is a basic inability to frame progressive politics in terms of the nation, the people of the nation and the national interest.'
Mr Blair said: 'The choice for Labour is to renew itself as the serious, progressive, non-Conservative competitor for power in British politics, or retreat from such an ambition, in which case over time it will be replaced,' he warned.
'So, at one level, sure let's have a period of 'reflection', but any attempt to whitewash this defeat, pretend it is something other than it is, or the consequence of something other than the obvious, will cause irreparable damage to our relationship with the electorate.'
The report based on polling and focus group research identifies five pillars of 'northern discomfort' including Brexit that Labour suffered in the election, which saw dozens of seats in its heartlands, including Mr Blair's former Sedgefield seat, snatched by the Tories.
It concedes that Mr Corbyn did not 'cause Labour's crisis' which has 'been brewing for some years' but criticises his neutral Brexit stance, perceived associations with extremism and allegations of a lack of patriotism for creating a 'lethal mix'.
To eject Prime Minister Boris Johnson from Downing Street, the report says, Mr Corbyn was tasked with reversing Labour's decline in the Midlands and the north of England.
'Instead, his leadership and his political strategy achieved precisely the opposite. They drove even more traditional Labour supporters away from the party,' the report by the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change states.
'Our research shows that the breach need not be permanent, but simply changing the leader will not be enough.
'The problems go far deeper; and so must the solutions. Labour needs not just a different driver, but a different bus.
'The first task is to discard the sectarian ultra-left politics that has taken the party over and condemned it to the wilderness of opposition. Only then can Labour begin the journey back to government.'
Mr Corbyn has sought to defend his manifesto, which included the renationalisation of key utilities as being 'extremely popular', and blame Brexit for having dominated the debate.
Mr Blair, who is the only Labour leader to have won a general election in the last 45 years, gave a speech this morning as he published a damning report on the party's failure in the election
Mr Blair, who is the only Labour leader to have won a general election in the last 45 years, gave a speech this morning as he published a damning report on the party's failure in the election
But the report for Mr Blair's organisation says the EU was not the 'main explanation' and instead criticises the current leader 'and the politics he represents'.
Only 24 per cent of voters polled in the report believed Mr Corbyn is patriotic, with focus group participants criticising his perceived associations with the IRA and terror groups.
The fatal London Bridge terror attack during the campaign had 'real cut-through', the report says, with perceptions being that Mr Corbyn's stance was weak.
His policies were individually popular, polling suggested, but voters felt they lacked credibility when taken together, with 22 per cent thinking the ideas were both good in principle and that Labour could be trusted to spend the money wisely.
A Labour source defended Mr Corbyn and blamed Mr Blair for having overseen the start of Labour's decline.
'In 2017 we saw the biggest swing to Labour since 1945 and more people voted for Labour under Jeremy, both in this election and in 2017, than Ed Miliband in 2015, Gordon Brown in 2010 or Tony Blair in 2005,' the source said.
'As with Scotland, the decline in Labour support in the North discussed in this report started under Tony Blair. While the party undergoes a period of reflection, perhaps Tony Blair should reflect on his own role.'

Who is in the frame for the Labour leadership? 

Sir Keir Starmer  
The shadow Brexit secretary was an out-and-out Remainer who frequently clashed with Corbyn's inner circle over his overt support for a second referendum. 
The 57-year-old lawyer, a former director of public prosecutions, was kept largely out of sight during the election campaign as the party tried, unsuccessfully, to hold on to Leave seats in the north. 
Distrusted by hard left fans of Mr Corbyn, the Holborn and St Pancras MP set out his stall to be a unity candidate, attacking 'factionalism' and saying the party needed to include both Momentum and fans of Tony Blair.
And he dangled a carrot in front of Corbynites, saying he did not want the party to move too far rightwards.
He said he did not want a return to the era of Tony Blair, telling the BBC this morning: 'I don't need someone else's name tattooed on my head to make decisions.'
But he might face difficulty if he is seen as not left wing enough, or if the party feels it needs a northern voice to win back seats. 
Rebecca Long-Bailey
The shadow business secretary is seen as the 'continuity' candidate, having been closely involved in Labour's lurch to the Left.
Frequently deployed on media, the 40-year-old's career has been pushed by shadow chancellor John McDonnell, who has long tipped her as a future leader.
She is expected to portray herself as the torchbearer for Jeremy Corbyn's legacy, and will be boosted if the pact with close friend Angela Rayner - potentially a rival - is confirmed.
Given Labour's dire need to reconnect with its traditional heartlands, her northern constituency and accent will also be selling points.



Lisa Nandy
The Wigan MP washed her hands of the Corbyn project some time ago - which could be a boon given its humiliating failure in the election.
But the 40-year-old has maintained a high media profile, and has strong left-wing credentials away without being marked on the extreme.
While the leadership desperately tried to stay neutral, she pushed hard for Labour to adopt a more Leave policy and accept the verdict of the referendum. 
Ms Nandy was involved in unsuccessful talks to support Theresa May's deal, but has indicated she would not support Boris Johnson's harder Brexit.
However, some MPs complain that she is 'lightweight' and failed to make good on her rhetoric about allowing Brexit to happen.
Emily Thornberry
The shadow foreign secretary represents the Islington seat next to Mr Corbyn's, and has been a staunch supporter of his leadership.
A lively performer in Parliament, she has admirers among Labour's clutch of metropolitan MPs.
However, she has been tainted by spats over her attitude towards working-class voters in the past - including a tweet apparently mocking a white van and England flag outside a house in Rochester.
Ousted Don Valley MP Caroline Flint accused her of privately branding Brexit voters 'stupid', although she has angrily denied the claim.   
Ms Thornberry's London seat and vocal pro-Remain position could tell against her - although the membership is generally pro-EU.

Jess Phillips   
The Birmingham Yeardley MP is a confident performer in the media and the House of Commons chamber. 
Her straight-talking, no-nonsense manner and Brummie accent have won her many fans and she was one of the first names mentioned as a contender after Mr Corbyn announced he would step down. 
But the 38-year-old's willingness to criticise the leader has won her few friends among Corbynistas, with a groundswell of opposition to her taking over.
She has been the target of high levels of online abuse from people across the political spectrum, including death threats. 
She also has no experience of the party's front bench, something that could either count against her or for her, depending on the views of the members.  
In March she said she would 'be a good prime minister'. At a time when several moderate MPs had quit Labour she added: 'I feel like I can't leave the Labour Party without rolling the dice one more time. I owe it that. But it doesn't own me. It's nothing more than a logo if it doesn't stand for something that I actually care about – it's just a f***ing rose'.
Yvette Cooper 
A Cabinet minister under Gordon Brown, Ms Cooper is very much a survivor of the government years of Labour. 
That is her Achilles heel in a party led by people who would rather forget it was ever in power under Blair and Brown.
Since being a minister, Ms Cooper has reinvented herself as the chairwoman of the Home Affairs Committee, presiding over some forensic questioning of ministers over issues including the Windrush scandal.
Ms Cooper, who is married to former minister Ed Balls, told the BBC's Today programme this morning she would decide over the Christmas break whether to run for the leadership.
'I think we clearly do have to change because it hasn't worked,' she said.
Ms Cooper said she would probably take a different view from Tony Blair - who used a speech today to urge against a 'whitewash' of the party's worst general election result since 1935 - and also a different view to the recent approach of the party. 
Clive Lewis
The Norwich South MP, 48, has managed to ingratiate himself into the Corbyn machine despite a major falling out over Brexit.
In 2017 he quit as shadow business minister after he rebelled against Mr Corbyn to oppose triggering Brexit negotiations.
But he returned the following year to join shadow chancellor John McDonnell's economic team.
A sexism scandal from 2017 could be a major hindrance in a ladership race likely to feature several female candidates. He was forced to apologise 'unreservedly' for telling an activist to 'get on your knees b****' at an event during Labour conference.
Footage of a Momentum event in Brighton showed Mr Lewis making the remark to a man on stage as the audience laughed.
The then backbencher admitted his language had been 'offensive and unacceptable' after facing a wave of condemnation from colleagues.
Angela Rayner 
Ms Rayner has been MP for Ashton-under-Lyne since 2015, has drawn heavily on her time as a one-time struggling teenage mother - and proudly welcomed her own granddaughter at the age of just 37 with a tweet jokingly referring to herself as 'Grangela'.
The married mother-of-three was just 16 when she had her first son, Ryan, and has told how becoming pregnant so young 'saved' her.
Her teenage relationship with Ryan's father ended quickly and she has since married Unison official Mark Rayner.
She has been shadow education secretary since 2016 and quietly built up a fan base within the party. 
While she has apparently made a pact to run as Ms Long-Bailey's deputy she could still decide to have a punt at the top job itself. 
But it would mean battling her London flatmate, which could make for difficult nights in. 
David Lammy
The outspoken Tottenham MP would become the first black leader of a major UK political party if he won. But he is very much an outside bet.
Despite nominating  Jeremy Corbyn for the leader's ballot in 2015 he is very much a hardcore Remainer and last night attacked the 'faith-based cult' that has strung up at the head of the party.
He is also outspoken on race politics. In April he likened members of the Brexiteer European Research Group (ERG) of Conservative MPs to the Nazis and 'white supremacists'
He also had a war of words with presenter Stacey Dooley over a Comic Relief trip to Africa, accusing her of using Instagram to make herself look like a 'heroine' trying to save 'victim' black children in Uganda. 
 Last year he led criticisms of the Government for threatening to deport migrants who have spent nearly their entire lives in the UK.
But the London-born politician then received an abusive letter branding him 'vile' and telling him to 'go back to the country of your forbears'.

Tony Blair's excoriating speech on the election disaster and Labour's future  

This Election was no ordinary defeat for Labour. It marks a moment in history. The choice for Labour is to renew itself as the serious, progressive, non Conservative competitor for power in British politics; or retreat from such an ambition, in which case over time it will be replaced.
The Election can be analysed in conventional ways – and here it does not take political genius to work out what happened.
I feel deeply for those good Labour MPs and candidates who lost through no fault of their own and the thousands of Party workers and volunteers who, as I know well, are the backbone of the Party.
Of course, Brexit was an issue. It was a Brexit General Election – which was why it was a cardinal error for Labour ever to agree it. But an already difficult situation was made impossible by the failure to take a clear position and stick to it.
I take very seriously the argument that we ‘deserted’ or ‘disrespected’ our working class voters by reopening the referendum result.
But the problem with this position, is that there was no way of uniting the country over Brexit. Britain is deeply divided over it. Now that Brexit will happen, we must make the best of it and the country must come together.
But until the Election settled the debate, as unfortunately it has, if Labour had gone for Leave it would simply have alienated the half of the nation that opposed Brexit; as well as the vast bulk of Party members. 
Post Election polling shows that between 2017 and 2019, we lost only a small number of voters who were Leave and all the way through we had more than double the number of Remain voters. The biggest percentage fall in Labour voters between 2017 and 2019 was amongst young people, probably dismayed by the ambiguity over a Brexit they detested.
What we should have done, following June 2016, is accepted the result, said it was for the Government to negotiate an agreement but reserved our right to critique that agreement and should it fail to be a good deal for the country, advocate the final decision should rest with the people. Ultimately, we might have lost the most ardent Brexit support, but I believe, with different leadership, we would have kept much of our vote in traditional Labour areas, whilst benefiting from the fact that even in those areas, the majority of those voting Labour, were Remain.
Instead we pursued a path of almost comic indecision, alienated both sides of the debate, leaving our voters without guidance or leadership.
The absence of leadership on what was obviously the biggest question facing the country, then reinforced all the other doubts about Jeremy Corbyn.
What is important is to understand why his leadership was so decisively rejected.
This is not about Jeremy Corbyn as a person. I have no doubt he is someone of deeply held and sincere beliefs, who stayed true to them under harsh attack.
But politically, people saw him as fundamentally opposing what Britain and Western societies stand for. He personified an idea, a brand of quasi revolutionary socialism, mixing far left economic policy with deep hostility to Western foreign policy, which never has appealed to traditional Labour voters, never will appeal and represented for them a combination of misguided ideology and terminal ineptitude that they found insulting.
No sentient political Party goes into an Election with a Leader who has a net approval rating of – 40%.
The takeover of the Labour Party by the Far left turned it into a glorified Protest Movement, with cult trimmings, utterly incapable of being a credible Government.
The result has brought shame on us. We let our country down. To go into an Election at any time with such a divergence between People and Party is unacceptable. To do it at a time of national crisis when a credible opposition was so essential to our national interest, is unforgiveable.
Anti-Semitism is a stain. The failure to deal with it, a matter of disgust that left some of us who voted Labour feeling, for the first time in our lives, conflicted about doing it.
So, at one level, sure let's have a period of ‘reflection’; but any attempt to whitewash this defeat, pretend it is something other than it is, or the consequence of something other than the obvious, will cause irreparable damage to our relationship with the electorate.
Let us demolish this delusion that ‘the manifesto was popular’. The sentiment behind some of the policy reflected public anxieties, but in combination, it was one hundred pages of ‘wish list’. Any fool can promise everything for free. But the People weren't fooled. They know life isn't like that. And the loading in of ‘free broadband’ run by Government was the final confirmation of incredibility.
So, Messrs Johnson and Cummings had a strategy for victory, and we had one for defeat. And I noted the cockiness of the Johnson visit to Sedgefield to rub salt in the wound! But I would like to see their strategic brilliance measured against a team other than one whose striker was directionally oblivious, its midfield comatose, the defence absent in the stand chatting to a small portion of the fans and its goalkeeper behind the net retweeting a clip of his one save in a 9-0 thrashing.
For the Labour Party the choices are stark, starker than it realises.
It is gearing up to fight an ‘ultra Thatcherite’ Tory Party.
But Boris Johnson also understood that the country can't be united over Brexit. So, his strategy is to do it and then treat it as an uncomfortable fact of life but not one defining the Conservative Party. He will adopt centre ground rhetoric on everything other than Brexit and possibly even on that; expect to see some former rebels back in the fold and the Lords; and having turned Brexit from a Tory problem into the nation’s problem, expect the tenor of the debate around Brexit to change.
His challenge will be formidable not least on the new trade deal and the threat to the Union, quite apart from delivering on all those promises to Northern former Labour voters.
But most people would not bet against 10 years of Tory Government.
The first rule of politics, however, is there are no rules of inevitability.
Labour can keep with the programme and positions of Corbyn with a new Leader. In which case it is finished.
Or it can understand that it must recapture the Party from the Far left, make radical changes and begin the March back.
But the biggest necessity is understanding the challenge didn't begin in 2015. It is rather the culmination of political and socio-economic changes over the last half century and the circumstances of Labour’s birth more than a century ago.
This is a moment where either we use the lessons of defeat to build a progressive, modern political coalition capable of competing for, winning and retaining power; or we accept that the Labour Party has exhausted its original mission and is unable to fulfil the purpose for which it was created.
As the 19th Century Industrial Revolution gathered pace, the Whig Party became the Liberal Party and the effective alternative to the Conservative Party. The Liberal Party suffered the stresses of Home Rule for Ireland and the cleavage between the Radical elements represented by Chamberlain and the more conservative remnants of Whiggery and then later still had to cope with Chamberlain’s departure from the Party and shift to a populism combining support for the working class and Imperialism; but it was the main instrument of social reform and could still win the election of 1906 and govern up to and through 1914 and the outbreak of World War 1.
A competitor appeared: the newly formed Labour Party born out of the Labour Representation Committee, a trade union based organisation designed to bring true representatives of the working class into Parliament; and socialist.
In time, the Labour Party took over as the main alternative to the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party retreated to minority status.
So, Lloyd George a great Liberal reformer and Clement Attlee a great Labour reformer ended up in different parties.
But the division in progressive politics had long term deleterious consequences. In the last century with the Labour Party and Liberals separated, Tories have been in power much longer than the Opposition, including winning 8 out of the last 11 elections, whereas in the years of Tory/Liberal Party competition, the Liberals were ahead .
The Labour Party became reliant on traditional working class organisations and constantly pulled towards a socialism which blunted at crucial moments its appeal to the aspirant working class. It had its Liberal wing represented by the likes of Roy Jenkins, but it was always viewed with some suspicion.
The traditional left and right of the Party – Bevin and Bevan - were themselves often uncomfortable bedfellows, but they united around: Labour as a Party of Government, Parliamentary not revolutionary politics, pro NATO and the Transatlantic Alliance, and within the mainstream of European socialist and social democratic politics.
Then there was a third strand of leftist politics which derived from Marxist/Leninism and was an early thorn in the side of the Labour leadership. From the beginning, the leadership shoved this strand to the fringe of Labour politics. It mounted an assault on the Party’s commanding heights through Tony Benn in the 1970s and 80s, but it was repulsed under Michael Foot who supported Denis Healey against Benn and moved to expel the Militant Tendency.
Throughout this time, something else was happening. The economy and society were changing. The middle class grew and those instruments of collective power like unions lost their industrial base.
And as the State also grew, in size and authority, it became clear that though it was a means of social progress, it could also be a vested interest, and the limitations of the State in an era of individual choice and increased income became more apparent.
The trade union and industrial base became hollowed out. The Labour Party structures had shown themselves vulnerable to infiltration. The values remained strong; but the offer to the People weak and outdated.
New Labour was an attempt to reunite the Liberal and Labour traditions of progressive politics. Both traditional left and right of the Labour tradition were expressly included, symbolised by me and John Prescott; but the Far Left was back to the fringe.
A study of Labour history showed that in the 20th C it had governed only intermittently. The longest unbroken period of power was 6 years. Never had the Labour Party won two full successive terms.
So, the Party programme was reshaped around an appeal to aspiration as well as social justice, to business as well as unions; culturally it was strong on defence and law and order but also socially liberal.
We won three successive full terms and governed for more than twice the length of any previous Labour Government.
The Party reached out beyond tribe but didn’t neglect its traditional voters.
It placed itself firmly on the side of the victim, not the criminal.
On the side of the working class who believe you must earn what you get.
On the side of the patient and pupil interest, not the producer interest.
It championed investment in public services but matched it with reform to ensure this money was spent wisely.
It explicitly rejected the anti-Western worldview of the far left and was on the side of people who were patriotic about their country.
It was not – for all the caricature since we left office – a project of the metropolitan liberal elite. It assembled a new coalition of traditional working class voters, aspirational voters who had previously turned to Margaret Thatcher, and it fused together the progressive vote that had been split in the previous century.
The extraordinary thing is the Labour Party’s desire to re-write its only period of majority Government in half a century in negative terms.
We did not ‘neglect’ those traditional Labour heartlands in some appeasement of the middle class. We made the largest ever investment in schools and hospitals in those communities; re-distributed wealth through tax changes and tax credits; cut pensioner and child poverty; took the homeless of the streets; and through Sure Start, the Minimum wage and a host of other programmes helped those who needed help most.
And we kept their support. In 2005, in Sedgefield, my majority was almost 20,000. In Bolsover, it was 18,000. In Scotland we had 41 of the 56 seats, including two with increased majorities over 2001. The support we lost was mainly amongst the middle class especially over tuition fees and Iraq.
The point is not to go back to the policies of New Labour, but to understand New Labour’s place in Labour’s history, so we better understand how to forge Labour’s future; and to set it within the history of progressive politics in Britain where Labour sits, but not in sole occupation.
This defeat is seminal. We cannot afford to repeat 1983, moving crab like towards reality. You know the narrative. Among the far left, ‘we won the argument’ it’s just for some inexplicable reason the British people having accepted we were right, decided to vote for the other guys.
Among others, it is: many of the policies were really popular, but too many of them, our leadership was a problem but did inspire a lot of people, it wasn't that we were too extreme but we allowed ourselves to be portrayed that way, we now have to stand with our communities in the assault which will be mounted upon them by the Tories etc. etc. plus a bit of we need to be with working class communities against the ‘liberal London elites’ sort of populism.
If we go down this line, it will be 15 years more of Tory Government.
The country won't tolerate this. There are people disenfranchised in our politics today, angry at the way the country has been let down by its non Conservative opposition, and feeling hopeless. And for the country, there is a generation of smart, capable, politically conscious people who will never be Tories but have no place in Parliament because of the state of the Labour Party and whose talent is therefore shut out.
Two things must happen.
First, there should be a parallel debate in and out of the Labour Party about the future of progressive politics, how it is reconstructed and reshaped into a winning coalition. This should include Labour, traditional left and right, the Lib Dems, those disenchanted with both main Parties and those not at present engaged in any Party. It must be a Big Tent debate, open and frank.
Second, we need urgently a new policy agenda for progressive politics. At the heart of it will be understanding and mobilising the Technological Revolution, the 21st C equivalent of the 19st C Industrial Revolution. It will mean a complete re-ordering of the way State and Government is conceived and organised; huge focus on education and infrastructure; new ways of dealing with generational poverty; a recasting of corporate governance and responsibility; a stimulus nationally and internationally of the science and technology for environmental change; and very specific measures to connect communities and people left behind by the changes driven by globalisation.
We need policy for the future. Radical but modern. The agenda of the Far Left is not progressive; it’s a form of regression to an old Statist, tax and spend programme of the 60s and 70s.
I understand why for some it has real attractions. It speaks to the intense feelings of marginalisation and desire for radical change.
It is a cry of rage against ‘the system’.
But it isn't a programme for Government.
To win power, we need self discipline not self indulgence; listening to what people are truly saying, not hearing only the parts we want to hear; understanding that you can't play with passion alone, but require strategy, preparation and professionalism; winning the intellectual as well as political battle.
In 1983, after my first Election, having been out on the doorstep for several weeks listening to Labour voters telling me that they were voting Labour despite the state of the Party rather than because of it, I attended a meeting in my constituency organised by the Far left, still strong after the Bennite surge, entitled ‘Learning the Lessons of Defeat’ or some such.
Dennis Skinner was the main speaker. At the outset, the Chairman urged us to be honest. Naively, I took this instruction literally. I did speak honestly. I said we were way out of date in our thinking, were far too left, seemed like we were living in the era of black and white TV, in an age of colour, and so on.
I was heard in silence. Right after me, came Dennis, who tore me limb from political limb.
I came out of the meeting in shock. My very wise agent John said to me: ‘you were the only person talking sense, but in future learn to say it better.’
By 1994, when standing for the leadership, I had learnt to say it better. I chose my ground carefully. I didn't unnecessarily offend.
But, no one doubted where I stood.
The Labour Party is presently marooned on Fantasy Island. I understand would be Leaders will want to go there and speak the native language in the hope of persuading enough eventually to migrate to the mainland of Reality.
But there is a risk that the only people speaking the language of Reality to the Party are those who don't aspire to lead it.
Unfortunately, 2019 is much worse than 1983.
Then was our second defeat; now is our fourth. The country is different. Politics is different. The country is less fixed in political affiliation. Politics moves at speed accelerated by social media.
We don't have the luxury of the Slow March back.
We can correct our historical and contemporary weaknesses; or be consumed by them.
But that choice is unmerciful.
And before us, NOW.

Labour cannot 'whitewash' election 

result warns 

Tony Blair in attack on Jeremy Corbyn's leadership



https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7803715/Tony-Blair-warns-Labour-renew-progressive-face-slow-demise.html